RONDELI BLOG
Positions and Actions of Turkey in the Russo-Ukrainian War
Zurab Batiashvili, Research Fellow at the Rondeli Foundation
Turkey on the one hand supports Ukraine's territorial integrity and supplies it with arms, but on the other hand, needs to maintain trade and economic ties with Russia, especially in light of the recent difficulties facing the Turkish economy.
Official Ankara pursued a balanced policy at the initial phase of the Russia-Ukraine confrontation. Following the Russian invasion, however, it had to take a more decisive stance on many issues, among them more military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and closure of the straits under the Montreux Convention.
For NATO member Turkey, an active foreign policy actor, several factors are important in the Russia-Ukraine confrontation when planning its next moves:
1) Ankara's support for Ukraine's territorial integrity and the mitigation of further growth of Russian influence
It is in Ankara's interests not to allow Russia to further strengthen its position in the Black Sea, where the balance of power has changed against Turkey since the annexation of Crimea. That is why Ankara fully supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and the aspirations of this country, as well as those of Georgia, to join NATO.
Turkey's support for Ukraine has been expressed repeatedly. The last such position we saw was on 22 February 2022, voiced by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs shortly after the recognition of the independence of the so-called “Donetsk People's Republic” and the “Luhansk People's Republic”. The statement issued by the Ministry reads:
"The decision of the Russian Federation to recognize the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk republics, in addition to contradicting the Minsk agreements, is a clear violation of the political unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
“The decision of the Russian Federation is unacceptable and we reject it.
“We reaffirm our commitment to the political unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine and call on all concerned parties to act in good faith and to uphold international law."
The same day, a similar position was expressed by the President of the Republic of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, during a telephone conversation with his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelensky. In particular, Erdogan criticized Russia's decision regarding the so-called "recognition", and underlined that Turkey supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
2) Maintaining trade and economic relations with Russia and Ukraine
Ankara has close trade and economic ties with both Ukraine and the Russian Federation. Maintaining this relationship is very important for the troubled Turkish economy, and this is especially true of exporting energy carriers, tourism, and the sale of Turkish agricultural products.
Yet, from Moscow’s perspective, Ankara does not appear particularly neutral, largely due to its support of Ukraine (including militarily), as illustrated by a program broadcasted on Russian state television “Russia” on February 21, 2022, where President Erdogan was listed among other world leaders who “aspire to inflate the Russian-Ukrainian war.”
TV show on the "Russia" channel, where Erdogan was included on the list of those aspiring to inflate the war and, as a consequence, one of Russia's enemies.
As such, it came as no surprise that after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Erdogan's peace initiatives on a ceasefire were left unanswered by Moscow.
3) Cooperation with Ukraine in the military-industrial sphere
After the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, as a result of Armenian lobbying, the supply of engines to Turkish "Bayraktar" (a world-renowned Turkish brand) was restricted, and it became necessary for Turkey to find an alternative, one that soon appeared in Ukraine, where, since the Soviet-era, a great tradition of military industries has existed, which includes the production of military aircraft engines.
Thus, it was only natural that when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan headed to Kyiv on February 3 to reaffirm his support for Ukraine's territorial integrity, the leaders of the two countries signed an agreement to launch joint production of drones, which includes the opening of a joint plant on the territory of Ukraine, as well as a drone management training center.
Official welcoming ceremony in Kyiv on February 3, 2022, prior to the Erdogan-Zelensky meeting
Change in Turkey's position since the start of the war
One the war kicked off, it became clear to Ankara, as it did to the whole world, that the geopolitical threats and challenges posed by Russia had increased with lightning speed. Turkey has taken several concrete steps with this in mind:
- It locked the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits to Russian warships (allowed by the Montreux Convention in the event of war). However, the effect of this move has been minimal, as most Russian ships had already sailed into the Black Sea. Only four Russian ships were prevented from entering the Black Sea from the Mediterranean after the lockdown.
- It started sending additional military equipment (most likely Turkish "Bayraktars") to Poland by air, which was then delivered by land to Ukraine. Although Ankara has not made an official statement about this, it is clear from the radar application that cargo planes belonging to the Turkish Air Force have been carrying military cargo from Turkey to Poland in recent days.
The flight of a Turkish Air Force cargo plane to Poland
- Turkey also sent humanitarian aid to Ukraine to help the war victims.
What Turkey has not done is join (at least as of time of writing) the economic sanctions imposed by the West on Russia. Nor has it closed its airspace to Russian airlines. In this way, Ankara is trying to maintain relations with Russia in both the political and economic sense.
Finally, it should be noted that at this stage it is difficult to predict how the big picture will change in and around the Russia-Ukraine war, a picture that will inevitably affect Official Ankara’s next moves.
Related posts
- Expected Political Consequences of the Restoration of Railway Communication Between Russia and Georgia through Occupied Abkhazia
- The Turkish Economy following on from the Elections
- Occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region: Trade “Legalization” and Prospects of the Russian Transit Corridor
- The Results Turkish Presidential and Parliamentary Elections
- Is Ukraine Winning the War and What Might Russia's Calculation Be?
- Russia's Diplomatic Offensive in Africa
- Russia’s New Foreign Policy Concept and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Why Estonia’s parliamentary elections matter for Ukraine and Eastern Europe?
- Is America’s Ukrainian War Fatigue” Real?
- The Tenth Package of Sanctions - One Year of Russian Aggression
- Dynamics of China-Russia relations against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Russia-Ukraine War and Russia's Long-Term Strategic Interests
- Flight Resumption with Russia - Potential Consequences for Georgia
- Why Are the Turkish Presidential and Parliamentary Elections Important?
- Hybrid War with Russian Rules and Ukrainian Resistance
- Moldova’s challenges alongside the war in Ukraine
- Is Israel's New Government Shifting its Policy towards the Russia-Ukraine War?
- What does Russia want from Georgia?
- Geopolitics, Turkish Style, and How to React to It
- The Ninth Package of Sanctions - in Response to the Russian Escalation and Missile Attacks
- The Danger Russia’s Neighbors May Face after the Russo-Ukrainian War
- Belarus and Russia deepen trade and economic relations with occupied Abkhazia: A prerequisite for recognition of Abkhazia's “independence”?
- "Captured emotions" - Russian propaganda
- A Looming Winter Energy Crisis in Europe: Can Azerbaijan Become the Continent’s Next Large Energy Supplier?
- The Eighth Package of Sanctions - Response to Russian Annexation and Illegal Referendums
- What’s next for Italy’s foreign policy after Giorgia Meloni’s victory?
- War in Ukraine and Russia’s declining role in the Karabakh peace process
- What issues were discussed at the Putin-Erdogan meeting?
- The Russian Exclave of Kaliningrad and the Lithuanian "Sting"
- Seventh Package of Sanctions and Embargo on Russian Gold
- What could be the cost of “Putin’s face-saving” for European relations
- In line for the candidate status, Georgia will get a European perspective. What are we worried about?
- The break-up of the Hungarian-Polish coalition - an opportunity for the EU
- Failed Tskhinvali Referendum
- The War and Georgia
- "Autocratic Peace"
- “Rural Orbanism”- Polarization as a determinant for Hungary's political future
- Illegal Presidential Elections in the Tskhinvali Region: Why Bibilov Lost and What to Anticipate in Future
- How to Respond to Russian Ultra-Orthodox-Historic-Hegemonism?
- The War in Ukraine and the UK’s New Role in Eastern Europe
- What Will the Abolition of the OSCE Minsk Group Bring to the South Caucasus?
- The Presidential Election in France and Europe’s Political Future
- Will Pashinyan Be Able to Make a Drastic Turnaround in Armenian-Azerbaijani Relations?
- Why Has the Abkhaz Side Become More Active on Social Networks?
- Why a Neutral Ukraine Is Not on Putin’s Mind (Ukraine’s Neutral Status Is Getting Closer, but What Does It Mean to Putin?)
- Europe's energy future - challenges and opportunities
- Uncontrolled Mass Immigration and the Position of the Georgian Government
- Changes in Putin's propaganda narratives since the Russian invasion of Ukraine
- Ukraine will soon embark on a path of practical integration into the European Union. What about Georgia?
- NATO’s possible expansion in Northern Europe and its significance for Georgia and Ukraine
- Political Winter Olympics in Beijing
- What Is behind Putin’s Sudden Gambit in Ukraine?
- Abkhazia in 2021: Energy Crisis, New “Minister” and Political Controversy
- L'Europe pourra-t-elle éviter le “déjà vu” ? (France, President of the Council of the European Union, and the Tensions in Eastern Europe)
- US-Russia Relations and the Issue of Ukraine
- The New Targets of Ramzan Kadyrov’s Regime
- What are the Prospects of the Eastern Partnership Summit Set on 15 December?
- The Upcoming EaP Summit - Why the Trio Initiative Should Finally Find Its Way
- What Will the Post-Merkel Era Mean for the EU’s Russia and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy?
- What Lies Behind the Growing Cooperation of the Georgian and Hungarian Governments
- “Doberman” as a Minister: Inal Ardzinba’s Prospects and Challenges
- The Belarus Crisis: How to Enhance Our Resilience Against the Russian Strategy for Its Near-Neighborhood
- Moldova’s Gas Crisis Has Been Russia’s Yet Another Political Blackmailing
- EU-Poland’s worsened relations and what it means for the EaP
- Lessons From Germany on Political Culture: What Georgia Can Learn From the German Parliamentary Elections
- Belarus One Year On: An Insecure Regime Under Russian “Protection”
- Why Did Iran-Azerbaijan Relations Become Strained?
- Russia’s Parliamentary Elections - What Can Be Said About the Regime’s Stability
- An Emerging Foreign Policy Trend in Central and Eastern Europe: A Turn from China to Taiwan?
- Vaccination: “To Be, or not to Be”…
- Can Georgia use China to balance Russia?
- Sharia Patrols in Kabardino-Balkaria: A Growing Trend or a Local Conflict?
- Belarus’ exit from the Eastern Partnership and what to expect next
- Pacta Sunt Servanda: Agreements must be kept
- The West vs Russia: The Reset once again?!
- Associated Trio, What is Next?
- Formation of a New “Political Elite” in Abkhazia - Who Will Replace the Old “Elite?”
- The symbolism of the EU flag and why a true Christian would not tear it down and burn it
- The Cyber-Dimension of the Geneva Summit
- Securitization of the Arctic: A Looming Threat of Melting Ice
- Europe in Anticipation of the Results of a “Harmful Deal”
- (Re)Mapping the EU’s Relations with Russia: Time for Change?
- USA, Liberal International Order, Challenges of 2021, and Georgia
- The Political Crisis in Moldova: A Deadlock without the Way Out?
- Russia's Testing or Bullying?
- ‘Vaccine Diplomacy’: A New Opportunity for Global Authoritarian Influence?
- Deal with the ‘Dragon’: What Can Be the Repercussions of the China-EU Investment Agreement?
- The End of the Russian Natural Gas Monopoly in Balkans
- Who did the judge sentence: Navalny, Putin or Russia?
- Biden’s Conundrum
- 2020 Developments in Abkhazia: “Elections,” the Pandemic and Deeper Integration with Russia
- The Hungarian Crisis: Is the EU Failing against Authoritarianism?
- Could Belarus Become a Prelude to the Great Polish-Swedish War 400 Years Ago?
- Vladimir Putin's Annual Grand Press Conference - Notable Elements and Messages
- COVID 19 Pandemic Economic Crisis and Reducing the Instability of Georgia’s National Currency
- Russia’s Energy Policy in the Tskhinvali Region
- Who Won and Who Lost with the War in Karabakh?
- What Russia has Gained in Karabakh
- What Armenia Did and Did not Lose as a Result of the Ceasefire Declaration in Karabakh
- Protests in Belarus, Lukashenko and the Russian Federation
- Some Thoughts on the Use of the Term „Post-Soviet Space“
- Georgia’s European Way During the Period of Pandemic Deglobalization
- Turkey's Caucasus Policy Against the Backdrop of the Latest Armenia-Azerbaijan Tensions
- Khabarovsk Krai Protests as an Indicator of the Russian Federation’s Stability
- Trio Pandemic Propaganda: How China, Russia and Iran Are Targeting the West
- Complications Caused by the Coronavirus in Turkey and Their Influence on Georgia
- From Russia with… a Canny Plan
- “Elections” in Abkhazia: New “President’s” Revanche and Challenges
- Georgians Fighting the Same Battle 99 Years Later
- Confrontation between Russia and Turkey in Syria
- Political Crisis in Occupied Abkhazia
- What is the Significance of Killing General Qasem Soleimani?
- What Will the New Dialogue Format with Russia Bring for Georgia?
- On the “Russian Culture Center” in Georgia
- Whither Economic Policy?
- Main Messages of Russian Propaganda
- Massive Cyberattacks On Georgia Calls For Defense And Resilience
- What do we know about the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and Georgia?
- New Focuses of the Anti-Occupation Policy
- Georgia's Problems are not Addressed at G7 Meetings: Who is to Blame?
- Vladimir Putin’s Main Messages in his Interview with the Financial Times
- Georgia and Russia’s Post-modern Fascism
- Dugin has Come Out as a Supporter of Georgia – How Did This Happen?
- The Outcome of the European Parliament Elections - What Does it Mean for Georgia?
- Deterring Russia
- On NATO, Russia and Pat Buchanan
- Why Local Elections of March 31, 2019 in Turkey are Important?
- Does the Principle of Strategic Partnership Work in Ukraine-Georgia Relations?
- Modern Russia’s Own Wars of Religion
- What Does the U.S. Withdrawal from Syria Signify?
- Bolton’s visit to Moscow– what to expect in U.S-Russia relations?
- The Risk of the Renewal of the Karabakh Conflict after the Velvet Revolution in Armenia
- The Situation in Syria’s Idlib Province, Interests of the Parties and Threats
- The Helsinki Summit and its General Results
- Why It Is Necessary to Know the Day the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 Started
- Decisive Struggle for the Independence of the Ukrainian Church
- Georgia’s Position in the Westernization Index 2018
- Why Did the Results of the G7 Summit in Charlevoix not Meet Our Expectations?
- Results of Snap Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Turkey
- How to Win Cold War 2.0
- The Russian “Ambassador’s” Rotation in Abkhazia
- Why did the Foreign Ministers of G7 not remember Georgia during their 23 April 2018 Toronto Meeting?
- Georgia and the American Strategy
- Putin’s Pre-Election Economic Promises: Myth and Reality
- Let Geneva Stay the Way it is
- Turkey’s Military Operation in Afrin – a New Phase in the Syrian Conflict
- Kremlin New Appointments and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Dangers Originating from Russia and Georgia’s Security System
- Eurasian Custom Union and problems of Russian – Georgian FTA
- Is Georgia’s Export Growth Sustainable?
- Russia’s Influence over the Field of Security in Tskhinvali Region is Growing: Support for Full Integration
- The Issue of Iraqi Kurdistan in the Context of Regional Security
- What Awaits the People of Gali?
- Growth of Military Spending and Relations with Russia: Azerbaijan trying to Gain Advantage over Armenia
- Disrupt and Distract: Russia’s Methodology of Dealing with the West
- Russian Diplomats in Georgia – who are they, how many of them are there and what are they up to
- Putin’s Visit to the Occupied Abkhazia: Was our Reaction Actually Adequate?
- Pence’s Visit to Georgia: Several Lessons and What We Should be Expecting
- Is it Acceptable for Georgia to Declare Neutrality?
- Georgia’s European Perspective in the Context of EU’s Future Evolution
- Brexit Negotiations between the European Union and the United Kingdom have been re-launched: What will be their Influence on Georgia?
- How to Stop the “Creeping Occupation”
- Kremlin’s Policy in the Occupied Regions of Georgia Moves to a New Stage
- Syrian Civil War in the Context of Regional Security
- The Winnable Second Round of Russia’s Neighbors’ Struggle against Its Imperialism
- Turkey’s Domestic and Foreign Policy in the Context of Regional Security
- Post-Soviet States – Struggle for the Legitimation of Power
- Parliamentary Elections in Armenia – The Triumph of the Governing Party
- Current Foreign Policy of Georgia: How Effective is it in Dealing with the Existing Challenges?
- Observations on the Agreement Reached with Gazprom
- New Russian Weaponry in the Caucasus and Its Impact on Georgia’s NATO Aspiration