RONDELI BLOG
Moldova’s challenges alongside the war in Ukraine
Nino Chanadiri, Contributing Analyst
The war in Ukraine has deeply affected the Eastern European region, including neighboring Moldova, which shares experiences of Russian aggression. The war has deepened the challenges Moldova is facing in many dimensions. However, at the same time, a new window has opened for the country: In June 2022, Moldova was granted EU candidate status alongside Ukraine. It is widely considered as a political step by the EU to express the fact that the EU considers them as part of the family, and that it trusts their administrative capacity to conduct the necessary reforms and meet the EU criteria. However, it is important that this achievement be discussed in the light of the challenges Moldova is experiencing during the ongoing war in Ukraine, the political positions taken by the Moldovan government during the crisis, and, more specifically, how these positions have shown the EU that Moldova can be a reliable partner.
How has the war affected Moldova?
Moldova, a country with a population of over 3 million, shares similarities with other Eastern European states, especially in terms of security challenges regarding Russia. Just like Ukraine and Georgia, Moldova is a victim of Russian occupation, having “lost” its Transnistria region in the east after the dissolution of the USSR, though separatist Transnistria, backed by Russia, lacks international recognition. After Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine, the discussion about the occupied Moldovan region became a hot topic once again. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe supported classifying Transnistria as Russian occupied territory, whereas previously, it described the territory as “under the effective control of the Russian Federation”.
Source: BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18284837)
In the early stages of the war, there was a prediction that Russia would try to reach its Transnistrian military base from Ukraine by stretching the front from eastern Ukraine to the southern parts of the country, including Odesa, and from there to Transnistria, after which it would be able to use the region to launch new attacks on Ukraine. In parallel, tensions grew in Transnistria when blasts were detected, which damaged Soviet era radio antennae. Moldova’s president Maia Sandu called a security council meeting following the explosions. The Government of Moldova claimed these actions were aimed exactly at creating tensions in the occupied region. This in turn strengthened expectations that Moscow would try to create a base to use the region in its favor in the war against Ukraine. However, Moscow’s plan to succeed in Southern Ukraine and reach Transnistria failed due to Ukraine’s firm resistance and Moscow’s military failure.
Moldova’s vulnerability is its dependence on Russia when it comes to trade relations and, more importantly, energy. For decades, this dependence was good leverage in Moscow’s hands, which it used to play with the sentiments of the Moldovan population. Russia’s constant threat to impact the standard of living by raising the energy prices or causing supply interruptions often pushed the population to remain loyal to “Russian partnership”.
Sanctions against Russia and the disruptions to exports have had a big impact on those countries highly dependent on Russia - including Moldova. The major influential factor continues to be energy dependence and its influence on the life of Moldovan society. The country is experiencing energy crises in both gas and electricity. Russian controlled Gazprom increased the price of gas for Moldova and further threatens to cut supplies. At the same time, Moldova is suffering from an unstable electricity supply coming from Ukraine (which is being hit by blackouts itself), and from the occupied region of Transnistria where the power plant is based that produces the biggest share of Moldova’s electricity. Moldova has yet been unable to diversify energy suppliers. Deepening the partnership with the EU in this dimension is in its short-term plans.
As expected, the social situation in Moldova was used by Moscow to increase pressure on Moldova’s pro-European government. There have already been protests against the government, blaming Sandu for the rising costs of living and demanding her resignation. It is believed that the anti-government rallies are sponsored by the Kremlin, and the protesters are paid to participate.
Positions taken by the Moldovan government during the war, and its EU candidate status
Moldova’s government and its president have firmly stood in support of Ukraine against the Russian aggression, despite it being predicted that Russia would increase the pressure. Regardless of difficult internal circumstances, Moldova has hosted tens of thousands Ukrainian refugees, a move highly appreciated in the EU. Sandu herself has expressed her support for Ukraine many times, saying “Ukraine is also defending Moldova’s freedom today”. Sandu is seen as a pro-Western politician, further strengthening Moldova’s chances for EU membership. It is safe to assume that the Moldovan government’s positions and actions during the war in Ukraine have reinforced their Western partners’ belief that the country is able to be a trusted partner, and that continued support is necessary to strengthen Moldova’s capacity to maintain its pro-Western stance.
The candidate status means that the EU will pay more attention to the reforms needing to be carried out in Moldova, especially in the direction of good governance, the judiciary and fighting corruption. Numerous studies have identified that corruption, including at high levels, has continually undermined the ability of the state to improve the economic environment and stability. Thus, fighting these internal challenges will be Moldova’s main task on its path to the EU, especially in light of growing public support for EU membership.
Conclusion
Political developments show that Moldova’s present and future have become closely linked to the developments in Ukraine. The war in Ukraine has increased the challenges Moldova is facing in the security, economic and social dimensions. However, the current situation in Europe has changed the security and political reality, and the positions taken by the Moldovan government in support of Ukraine have given the country a chance to receive EU candidate status. The fact that Moldova maintained a pro-Ukrainian position, despite the numerous challenges and increased pressure from Russia, led to the EU’s belief that the country has the capacity to be a trusted partner. It is clear that Moldova realizes that supporting Ukraine and Russia’s eventual defeat would be very positive scenarios for Moldova, as it will limit Russian influence not only in the occupied region, but also in Moldovan politics, making it easier for the country to take further steps on its path to EU membership.
Related posts
- Hungary’s illiberal influence on Georgia’s European integration: a worrying pattern
- NATO Summit in Vilnius: Results and future perspectives
- Expected Political Consequences of the Restoration of Railway Communication Between Russia and Georgia through Occupied Abkhazia
- Germany’s National Security Strategy – The First Strategic Steps
- The Turkish Economy following on from the Elections
- The 11th package of EU sanctions and Georgia
- Occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region: Trade “Legalization” and Prospects of the Russian Transit Corridor
- The Recent Decision of Saudi Arabia and its Impact on the Energy Market
- The Results Turkish Presidential and Parliamentary Elections
- The Occupied Tskhinvali Region: Gagloyev’s First Year
- Is Ukraine Winning the War and What Might Russia's Calculation Be?
- Russia's Diplomatic Offensive in Africa
- Russia’s New Foreign Policy Concept and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Europe's Energy Security – How is the Strategic Goal Progressing?
- Then what does Putin's arrest warrant change?
- Lukashenko's Battle with Belarusian Identity
- Why Estonia’s parliamentary elections matter for Ukraine and Eastern Europe?
- What does China's initiative to normalize relations between Iran-Saudi Arabia actually mean?
- Is America’s Ukrainian War Fatigue” Real?
- Power of the people in Georgia: The EU must remain vigilant
- Impact of the Cyprus Election Results on the Security of the Eastern Mediterranean Region
- The Tenth Package of Sanctions - One Year of Russian Aggression
- Who will be affected and what problems will they face if the so-called
- Dynamics of China-Russia relations against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Russia-Ukraine War and Russia's Long-Term Strategic Interests
- Flight Resumption with Russia - Potential Consequences for Georgia
- On the "Agent of Foreign Influence'' Bill and Its Disastrous Consequences for Georgia
- Hybrid War with Russian Rules and Ukrainian Resistance
- Is Israel's New Government Shifting its Policy towards the Russia-Ukraine War?
- What does Russia want from Georgia?
- Geopolitics, Turkish Style, and How to React to It
- The Ninth Package of Sanctions - in Response to the Russian Escalation and Missile Attacks
- The Danger Russia’s Neighbors May Face after the Russo-Ukrainian War
- What is Belarus preparing for
- Belarus and Russia deepen trade and economic relations with occupied Abkhazia: A prerequisite for recognition of Abkhazia's “independence”?
- "Captured emotions" - Russian propaganda
- The Eighth Package of Sanctions - Response to Russian Annexation and Illegal Referendums
- What’s next for Italy’s foreign policy after Giorgia Meloni’s victory?
- Lukashenko's Visit to Occupied Abkhazia: Review and Assessments
- Occupied Abkhazia: The Attack on the Civil Sector and International Organizations
- War in Ukraine and Russia’s declining role in the Karabakh peace process
- Tajikistan’s Costly Chinese Loans: When Sovereignty Becomes a Currency
- The Russian Exclave of Kaliningrad and the Lithuanian "Sting"
- Seventh Package of Sanctions and Embargo on Russian Gold
- What could be the cost of “Putin’s face-saving” for European relations
- Why the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway Matters More than Ever
- In line for the candidate status, Georgia will get a European perspective. What are we worried about?
- Failed Tskhinvali Referendum
- The War and Georgia
- “Rural Orbanism”- Polarization as a determinant for Hungary's political future
- Illegal Presidential Elections in the Tskhinvali Region: Why Bibilov Lost and What to Anticipate in Future
- How to Respond to Russian Ultra-Orthodox-Historic-Hegemonism?
- The War in Ukraine and the UK’s New Role in Eastern Europe
- What Will the Abolition of the OSCE Minsk Group Bring to the South Caucasus?
- Why Has the Abkhaz Side Become More Active on Social Networks?
- Why a Neutral Ukraine Is Not on Putin’s Mind (Ukraine’s Neutral Status Is Getting Closer, but What Does It Mean to Putin?)
- Europe's energy future - challenges and opportunities
- Uncontrolled Mass Immigration and the Position of the Georgian Government
- Changes in Putin's propaganda narratives since the Russian invasion of Ukraine
- Ukraine will soon embark on a path of practical integration into the European Union. What about Georgia?
- Positions and Actions of Turkey in the Russo-Ukrainian War
- NATO’s possible expansion in Northern Europe and its significance for Georgia and Ukraine
- Political Winter Olympics in Beijing
- What Is behind Putin’s Sudden Gambit in Ukraine?
- L'Europe pourra-t-elle éviter le “déjà vu” ? (France, President of the Council of the European Union, and the Tensions in Eastern Europe)
- US-Russia Relations and the Issue of Ukraine
- The New Targets of Ramzan Kadyrov’s Regime
- What Will the Post-Merkel Era Mean for the EU’s Russia and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy?
- What Lies Behind the Growing Cooperation of the Georgian and Hungarian Governments
- “Doberman” as a Minister: Inal Ardzinba’s Prospects and Challenges
- The Belarus Crisis: How to Enhance Our Resilience Against the Russian Strategy for Its Near-Neighborhood
- Moldova’s Gas Crisis Has Been Russia’s Yet Another Political Blackmailing
- Belarus One Year On: An Insecure Regime Under Russian “Protection”
- Russia’s Parliamentary Elections - What Can Be Said About the Regime’s Stability
- Can Georgia use China to balance Russia?
- The West vs Russia: The Reset once again?!
- Associated Trio, What is Next?
- Formation of a New “Political Elite” in Abkhazia - Who Will Replace the Old “Elite?”
- The Cyber-Dimension of the Geneva Summit
- Securitization of the Arctic: A Looming Threat of Melting Ice
- Europe in Anticipation of the Results of a “Harmful Deal”
- (Re)Mapping the EU’s Relations with Russia: Time for Change?
- USA, Liberal International Order, Challenges of 2021, and Georgia
- The Political Crisis in Moldova: A Deadlock without the Way Out?
- Russia's Testing or Bullying?
- ‘Vaccine Diplomacy’: A New Opportunity for Global Authoritarian Influence?
- The End of the Russian Natural Gas Monopoly in Balkans
- Who did the judge sentence: Navalny, Putin or Russia?
- 2020 Developments in Abkhazia: “Elections,” the Pandemic and Deeper Integration with Russia
- Could Belarus Become a Prelude to the Great Polish-Swedish War 400 Years Ago?
- Vladimir Putin's Annual Grand Press Conference - Notable Elements and Messages
- Russia’s Energy Policy in the Tskhinvali Region
- Who Won and Who Lost with the War in Karabakh?
- What Russia has Gained in Karabakh
- What Armenia Did and Did not Lose as a Result of the Ceasefire Declaration in Karabakh
- Protests in Belarus, Lukashenko and the Russian Federation
- Some Thoughts on the Use of the Term „Post-Soviet Space“
- Khabarovsk Krai Protests as an Indicator of the Russian Federation’s Stability
- Trio Pandemic Propaganda: How China, Russia and Iran Are Targeting the West
- From Russia with… a Canny Plan
- “Elections” in Abkhazia: New “President’s” Revanche and Challenges
- Georgians Fighting the Same Battle 99 Years Later
- Confrontation between Russia and Turkey in Syria
- Political Crisis in Occupied Abkhazia
- What is the Significance of Killing General Qasem Soleimani?
- What Will the New Dialogue Format with Russia Bring for Georgia?
- On the “Russian Culture Center” in Georgia
- Main Messages of Russian Propaganda
- What do we know about the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and Georgia?
- New Focuses of the Anti-Occupation Policy
- Georgia's Problems are not Addressed at G7 Meetings: Who is to Blame?
- Vladimir Putin’s Main Messages in his Interview with the Financial Times
- Georgia and Russia’s Post-modern Fascism
- Dugin has Come Out as a Supporter of Georgia – How Did This Happen?
- Deterring Russia
- On NATO, Russia and Pat Buchanan
- Does the Principle of Strategic Partnership Work in Ukraine-Georgia Relations?
- Modern Russia’s Own Wars of Religion
- Bolton’s visit to Moscow– what to expect in U.S-Russia relations?
- The Risk of the Renewal of the Karabakh Conflict after the Velvet Revolution in Armenia
- The Situation in Syria’s Idlib Province, Interests of the Parties and Threats
- The Helsinki Summit and its General Results
- Why It Is Necessary to Know the Day the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 Started
- Decisive Struggle for the Independence of the Ukrainian Church
- Georgia’s Position in the Westernization Index 2018
- Why Did the Results of the G7 Summit in Charlevoix not Meet Our Expectations?
- How to Win Cold War 2.0
- The Russian “Ambassador’s” Rotation in Abkhazia
- Why did the Foreign Ministers of G7 not remember Georgia during their 23 April 2018 Toronto Meeting?
- Georgia and the American Strategy
- Putin’s Pre-Election Economic Promises: Myth and Reality
- Let Geneva Stay the Way it is
- Turkey’s Military Operation in Afrin – a New Phase in the Syrian Conflict
- Kremlin New Appointments and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Dangers Originating from Russia and Georgia’s Security System
- Eurasian Custom Union and problems of Russian – Georgian FTA
- Is Georgia’s Export Growth Sustainable?
- Russia’s Influence over the Field of Security in Tskhinvali Region is Growing: Support for Full Integration
- What Awaits the People of Gali?
- Growth of Military Spending and Relations with Russia: Azerbaijan trying to Gain Advantage over Armenia
- Disrupt and Distract: Russia’s Methodology of Dealing with the West
- Russian Diplomats in Georgia – who are they, how many of them are there and what are they up to
- Putin’s Visit to the Occupied Abkhazia: Was our Reaction Actually Adequate?
- Is it Acceptable for Georgia to Declare Neutrality?
- How to Stop the “Creeping Occupation”
- Kremlin’s Policy in the Occupied Regions of Georgia Moves to a New Stage
- Syrian Civil War in the Context of Regional Security
- The Winnable Second Round of Russia’s Neighbors’ Struggle against Its Imperialism
- Parliamentary Elections in Armenia – The Triumph of the Governing Party
- Current Foreign Policy of Georgia: How Effective is it in Dealing with the Existing Challenges?
- Observations on the Agreement Reached with Gazprom
- New Russian Weaponry in the Caucasus and Its Impact on Georgia’s NATO Aspiration