RONDELI BLOG
Dugin has Come Out as a Supporter of Georgia – How Did This Happen?
By Valeri Chechelashvili, Senior Fellow at Rondeli Foundation
Russia is diversifying its arsenal for fighting against Georgia and apart from more forceful leverage, such as creeping occupation and terrorizing Georgian citizens along the administrative boundary line (ABL), it increasingly utilizes “soft power.” The testament to this was the latest internet blog by Russian political analyst, Aleksandr Dugin, the so-called “Dugin Expertise.”
Aleksandr Dugin is one of the most fervent supporters of the Russian President. There are many who praise Putin in Russia nowadays; however, even in such a situation, Dugin’s assessments nonetheless sound a little strange. Quote: “There are no more opponents of Putin's course and, if there are, they are mentally ill and need to be sent off for clinical examination. Putin is everywhere, Putin is everything, Putin is absolute and Putin is indispensable.”
This individual, is the leader of the International Eurasian Movement. The essence of his work is creating a Eurasian state by means of integrating former Soviet republics with Russia. This is how Dugin tries to revert the results of the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century.”
During the 2008 war, Dugin advised the Government of Russia to occupy Tbilisi and form a pro-Russian government. If his advice was not heeded, he predicted there would be another war because the Government of Georgia, according to his assessment, was a puppet of the United States of America. Given such attitudes in the past, his now softened tone sounds odd, if not downright hypocritical.
The format of our letter does not allow us to analyze all of Dugin’s messages; however, two of them should be subject to special attention. First – which is mystical and incomprehensible, as he underlines, why Georgia has ended up on the other side of the barricade in a camp with the enemy and second – the rise of Georgian patriotism and its usage in service to Russian interests.
As for the camps and barricades, practically no one in the 21st century, apart from Russia, thinks in these terms any more. Putting up barricades and building new Berlin Walls has become the business card of this country. The most painful expression of this process for Georgia is apparent in Samachablo (Tskhinvali region) and Abkhazia. However, this is not a problem that only Georgia has with Russia.
Today, the whole civilized world is counted among enemies by Russia while its friends are – Venezuela, Nicaragua, Syria and North Korea; also, supposedly the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union as well, yet not even here are things ideal; our positioning, on the other hand, is absolutely natural.
Dugin is trying to pit Georgian patriotism against European civilization and put Georgia within the “Russian World.” Dugin does not understand the essence of patriotism, even that of the Russian one, let alone Georgian.
He considers Russian patriotism to be confronting the whole world while in Georgian patriotism he sees a force that will bring Georgia within the Russian orbit, making it part of the “Russian World.”
The best explanation of patriotism and its dialectics with the outside world; more specifically, with cosmopolitism, was explained by Vazha Pshavela in his 1905 short letter entitled “Patriotism and Cosmopolitism.”
Bringing Vazha Pshavela’s arguments into a discussion against Dugin is a huge compliment for Dugin but I will nonetheless still call on the opinion of this great poet and writer:
“A person that serves his/her nation reasonably and seeks to advance the homeland mentally, materially and morally is preparing the best of members and friends for the whole humankind, facilitating its development and welfare.
Such an upbringing is beneficial to all nations, so that all nations can show increased strength, energy and distinction, delivering their own contribution to the great treasury of humankind…”
It is interesting that 39 years earlier, Vazha indirectly predicted the creation of global financial institutions…
Dugin says that Georgia now faces a choice not between the West and Russia, but between the West and Georgia. This is, in principle, a mistake as Georgia’s choice is being made based on the spatial identity which relies on values and principles.
Georgian traditions and culture cannot be contained within the framework of the “Russian World,” not just because we have a longer and richer history, including as an Orthodox Christian nation, but because our values and principles are in conjunction with the values and principles used in the European and not the Eurasian space. And this is where Georgian and Russian paths diverge. The outset of this process is the Bolshevik coup of 1917 and the creation of the USSR in 1922. After these events, the Sovietized Georgia became part of the isolationist course.
Before that, at the verge of 19th and 20th centuries, the Russian Empire was not that different from other European empires of that time, its actions being normal for the international practice of the time and Russian culture (19th century literature, music) being part of the European culture. Now, the situation has changed thoroughly as Russia opposes Europe and Western civilization in general and hence our paths have diverged. If Russia wishes, it will be a country with Eurasian culture and values; we, on the other hand, are definitely not a Eurasian nation. “We are Georgians, therefore we are Europeans.” We believe that this fact requires no further argumentation.
With the purpose of placing Georgia into his capricious idea of the “Russian World,” Dugin also actively uses the issue of Orthodoxy.
We are a part of the Orthodox world which the Russian Orthodox Church has chosen to confront. There is no trusting the Russian Orthodox Church and its brotherly embrace is mere hypocrisy; it has always been, right from the reforms of Peter I, or the beginning of the 18th century, a part of the state faithfully serving Russian imperial policy domestically and externally. The Russian Church has never admitted to its sins towards Georgia nor has it apologized for them. And their sins are great: the abolition of autocephaly, appointing drunkard Exarchs, cursing the Georgian nation, banning church services in Georgian, painting our frescoes over with lime, embezzling church treasures and so on.
And today, Kiril’s Church justifies the killing of their fellow Christian Georgians and Ukrainians, including civilians, by Russian soldiers, also apologizing for conquests in general; openly and brazenly, just 45 kilometers from Tbilisi, a Russian church was built on a Russian military base. Kiril’s team does not seem to be eager to rectify the situation at all.
And in general, what values does Russia offer us?
Vladislav Surkov’s “sovereign democracy?” “300-year geopolitical isolation in a cell” or Putin’s “long state” where those who govern are not changed for decades, political murders take place, systemic corruption thrives, internet and civil rights are limited while political opponents go to jail? Russia in its current form has no power of attraction and in the hands of the current regime, it will not have one in the future either.
The difference between Putin and Trump is that the latter knows for certain that he will not be the US President in 2024 while Putin will not resign as a result of elections. He will be removed either because of biological reasons, or due to a coup, or thanks to historical disasters characteristic to Russian history.
A normal society should have nothing in common with this. Georgia is definitely on the correct side of the barricade. We must strengthen our state, increase its attractiveness and economic sustainability as well as our transit function and continue active work as a full member of the anti-Russian coalition. This will, in time, deliver desired results.
Related posts
- Hungary’s illiberal influence on Georgia’s European integration: a worrying pattern
- Expected Political Consequences of the Restoration of Railway Communication Between Russia and Georgia through Occupied Abkhazia
- The 11th package of EU sanctions and Georgia
- Occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region: Trade “Legalization” and Prospects of the Russian Transit Corridor
- Is Ukraine Winning the War and What Might Russia's Calculation Be?
- Russia's Diplomatic Offensive in Africa
- Russia’s New Foreign Policy Concept and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Power of the people in Georgia: The EU must remain vigilant
- The Tenth Package of Sanctions - One Year of Russian Aggression
- Dynamics of China-Russia relations against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Russia-Ukraine War and Russia's Long-Term Strategic Interests
- Flight Resumption with Russia - Potential Consequences for Georgia
- On the "Agent of Foreign Influence'' Bill and Its Disastrous Consequences for Georgia
- Hybrid War with Russian Rules and Ukrainian Resistance
- Moldova’s challenges alongside the war in Ukraine
- How the Sino-American Competition Looks from Tbilisi
- Is Israel's New Government Shifting its Policy towards the Russia-Ukraine War?
- What does Russia want from Georgia?
- Geopolitics, Turkish Style, and How to React to It
- The Ninth Package of Sanctions - in Response to the Russian Escalation and Missile Attacks
- The Danger Russia’s Neighbors May Face after the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Biden Doctrine and its Implications for Georgia
- Belarus and Russia deepen trade and economic relations with occupied Abkhazia: A prerequisite for recognition of Abkhazia's “independence”?
- "Captured emotions" - Russian propaganda
- The Eighth Package of Sanctions - Response to Russian Annexation and Illegal Referendums
- What’s next for Italy’s foreign policy after Giorgia Meloni’s victory?
- War in Ukraine and Russia’s declining role in the Karabakh peace process
- The Russian Exclave of Kaliningrad and the Lithuanian "Sting"
- Seventh Package of Sanctions and Embargo on Russian Gold
- What could be the cost of “Putin’s face-saving” for European relations
- In line for the candidate status, Georgia will get a European perspective. What are we worried about?
- Failed Tskhinvali Referendum
- The War and Georgia
- “Rural Orbanism”- Polarization as a determinant for Hungary's political future
- Illegal Presidential Elections in the Tskhinvali Region: Why Bibilov Lost and What to Anticipate in Future
- How to Respond to Russian Ultra-Orthodox-Historic-Hegemonism?
- The War in Ukraine and the UK’s New Role in Eastern Europe
- What Will the Abolition of the OSCE Minsk Group Bring to the South Caucasus?
- Why Has the Abkhaz Side Become More Active on Social Networks?
- Why a Neutral Ukraine Is Not on Putin’s Mind (Ukraine’s Neutral Status Is Getting Closer, but What Does It Mean to Putin?)
- Europe's energy future - challenges and opportunities
- Uncontrolled Mass Immigration and the Position of the Georgian Government
- Changes in Putin's propaganda narratives since the Russian invasion of Ukraine
- Ukraine will soon embark on a path of practical integration into the European Union. What about Georgia?
- Positions and Actions of Turkey in the Russo-Ukrainian War
- NATO’s possible expansion in Northern Europe and its significance for Georgia and Ukraine
- Political Winter Olympics in Beijing
- What Is behind Putin’s Sudden Gambit in Ukraine?
- Abkhazia in 2021: Energy Crisis, New “Minister” and Political Controversy
- L'Europe pourra-t-elle éviter le “déjà vu” ? (France, President of the Council of the European Union, and the Tensions in Eastern Europe)
- US-Russia Relations and the Issue of Ukraine
- The New Targets of Ramzan Kadyrov’s Regime
- What are the Prospects of the Eastern Partnership Summit Set on 15 December?
- What Will the Post-Merkel Era Mean for the EU’s Russia and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy?
- What Lies Behind the Growing Cooperation of the Georgian and Hungarian Governments
- “Doberman” as a Minister: Inal Ardzinba’s Prospects and Challenges
- The Belarus Crisis: How to Enhance Our Resilience Against the Russian Strategy for Its Near-Neighborhood
- Moldova’s Gas Crisis Has Been Russia’s Yet Another Political Blackmailing
- Belarus One Year On: An Insecure Regime Under Russian “Protection”
- Russia’s Parliamentary Elections - What Can Be Said About the Regime’s Stability
- Vaccination: “To Be, or not to Be”…
- Can Georgia use China to balance Russia?
- Belarus’ exit from the Eastern Partnership and what to expect next
- Pacta Sunt Servanda: Agreements must be kept
- The West vs Russia: The Reset once again?!
- Associated Trio, What is Next?
- Formation of a New “Political Elite” in Abkhazia - Who Will Replace the Old “Elite?”
- The Cyber-Dimension of the Geneva Summit
- Securitization of the Arctic: A Looming Threat of Melting Ice
- Europe in Anticipation of the Results of a “Harmful Deal”
- What Should Georgia Expect from the NATO Summit
- The Issue of Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region in the Context of NATO and European Union Membership
- (Re)Mapping the EU’s Relations with Russia: Time for Change?
- USA, Liberal International Order, Challenges of 2021, and Georgia
- The Political Crisis in Moldova: A Deadlock without the Way Out?
- Russia's Testing or Bullying?
- Georgia's transit opportunities, novelties and challenges against the backdrop of the pandemic
- ‘Vaccine Diplomacy’: A New Opportunity for Global Authoritarian Influence?
- Georgia’s Application for European Union Membership
- A New Dawn for Transatlantic Relations under Biden’s Presidency: What Are the Hopes for Georgia?
- The End of the Russian Natural Gas Monopoly in Balkans
- Who did the judge sentence: Navalny, Putin or Russia?
- 2020 Developments in Abkhazia: “Elections,” the Pandemic and Deeper Integration with Russia
- Could Belarus Become a Prelude to the Great Polish-Swedish War 400 Years Ago?
- Vladimir Putin's Annual Grand Press Conference - Notable Elements and Messages
- COVID 19 Pandemic Economic Crisis and Reducing the Instability of Georgia’s National Currency
- Russia’s Energy Policy in the Tskhinvali Region
- Who Won and Who Lost with the War in Karabakh?
- What Russia has Gained in Karabakh
- What Armenia Did and Did not Lose as a Result of the Ceasefire Declaration in Karabakh
- Escalation of the Karabakh Conflict: Threats and Challenges for Georgia
- Protests in Belarus, Lukashenko and the Russian Federation
- Some Thoughts on the Use of the Term „Post-Soviet Space“
- Georgia’s European Way During the Period of Pandemic Deglobalization
- Khabarovsk Krai Protests as an Indicator of the Russian Federation’s Stability
- The Pragmatism and Idealism of the Georgian-American Partnership
- Independence of Georgia and the Historic Responsibility of Our Generation
- Trio Pandemic Propaganda: How China, Russia and Iran Are Targeting the West
- Complications Caused by the Coronavirus in Turkey and Their Influence on Georgia
- From Russia with… a Canny Plan
- “Elections” in Abkhazia: New “President’s” Revanche and Challenges
- Consumer Crisis in the Tskhinvali Region: Food for Thought
- Georgians Fighting the Same Battle 99 Years Later
- Georgian Defense – Political Paradox and the Vicious Circle of Not Having a System
- Confrontation between Russia and Turkey in Syria
- Why It Matters: Georgia’s 'Troll Scandal' Explained
- Political Crisis in Occupied Abkhazia
- What is the Significance of Killing General Qasem Soleimani?
- What Will the New Dialogue Format with Russia Bring for Georgia?
- On the “Russian Culture Center” in Georgia
- Whither Economic Policy?
- Main Messages of Russian Propaganda
- Massive Cyberattacks On Georgia Calls For Defense And Resilience
- What do we know about the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and Georgia?
- What is the Connection between NATO and Reclaiming Abkhazia?
- New Focuses of the Anti-Occupation Policy
- Georgia's Problems are not Addressed at G7 Meetings: Who is to Blame?
- Vladimir Putin’s Main Messages in his Interview with the Financial Times
- Georgia and Russia’s Post-modern Fascism
- The Outcome of the European Parliament Elections - What Does it Mean for Georgia?
- Deterring Russia
- On NATO, Russia and Pat Buchanan
- Why Local Elections of March 31, 2019 in Turkey are Important?
- Does the Principle of Strategic Partnership Work in Ukraine-Georgia Relations?
- A New Chance for Circular Labor Migration between Georgia and the EU
- Modern Russia’s Own Wars of Religion
- Georgia’s Trade with Electricity: The Influence of Bitcoin
- Bolton’s visit to Moscow– what to expect in U.S-Russia relations?
- Georgia’s External Trade: How to Strengthen Positive Trends
- The Risk of the Renewal of the Karabakh Conflict after the Velvet Revolution in Armenia
- The Situation in Syria’s Idlib Province, Interests of the Parties and Threats
- The Helsinki Summit and its General Results
- Why It Is Necessary to Know the Day the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 Started
- Georgia’s Position in the Westernization Index 2018
- Why Did the Results of the G7 Summit in Charlevoix not Meet Our Expectations?
- How to Win Cold War 2.0
- The Ben Hodges Model – a Real Way for Georgia’s Membership in NATO
- The Russian “Ambassador’s” Rotation in Abkhazia
- Why did the Foreign Ministers of G7 not remember Georgia during their 23 April 2018 Toronto Meeting?
- Georgia and the American Strategy
- Putin’s Pre-Election Economic Promises: Myth and Reality
- Trade of Electricity: Successes of 2016, Reality of 2017 and Future Prospects– the Impact of Bitcoin (Part Two)
- Let Geneva Stay the Way it is
- Trade of Electricity: Successes of 2016, Reality of 2017 and Future Prospects – the Impact of Bitcoin (Part One)
- Turkey’s Military Operation in Afrin – a New Phase in the Syrian Conflict
- Kremlin New Appointments and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Geopolitical Vision of the Russian Opposition
- Dangers Originating from Russia and Georgia’s Security System
- Eurasian Custom Union and problems of Russian – Georgian FTA
- Is Georgia’s Export Growth Sustainable?
- Russia’s Influence over the Field of Security in Tskhinvali Region is Growing: Support for Full Integration
- What Awaits the People of Gali?
- Growth of Military Spending and Relations with Russia: Azerbaijan trying to Gain Advantage over Armenia
- Disrupt and Distract: Russia’s Methodology of Dealing with the West
- Trojan Horse Model IL- 76 or Why Would Russia Want to Fight Georgia’s Forest Fires
- Russian Diplomats in Georgia – who are they, how many of them are there and what are they up to
- Putin’s Visit to the Occupied Abkhazia: Was our Reaction Actually Adequate?
- Is it Acceptable for Georgia to Declare Neutrality?
- Georgia’s European Perspective in the Context of EU’s Future Evolution
- Brexit Negotiations between the European Union and the United Kingdom have been re-launched: What will be their Influence on Georgia?
- How to Stop the “Creeping Occupation”
- Kremlin’s Policy in the Occupied Regions of Georgia Moves to a New Stage
- Syrian Civil War in the Context of Regional Security
- The Winnable Second Round of Russia’s Neighbors’ Struggle against Its Imperialism
- Turkey’s Domestic and Foreign Policy in the Context of Regional Security
- Post-Soviet States – Struggle for the Legitimation of Power
- Parliamentary Elections in Armenia – The Triumph of the Governing Party
- Current Foreign Policy of Georgia: How Effective is it in Dealing with the Existing Challenges?
- Military Resilience - a Needed Factor for NATO-Partners
- Observations on the Agreement Reached with Gazprom
- New Russian Weaponry in the Caucasus and Its Impact on Georgia’s NATO Aspiration