RONDELI BLOG
Seventh Package of Sanctions and Embargo on Russian Gold
Davit Shatakishvili, MPA, Tbilisi State University and German University of Administrative Sciences Speyer
On July 21, the European Union states approved a seventh package of sanctions against Russia. The new restrictions include a ban on Russian gold imports into the EU, a freeze on the assets of “Sberbank”, Russia's largest financial institution, and individual sanctions against people accused of war crimes. With the previous round of sanctions covering Russian crude oil, many thought the EU would target Russian natural gas in the next package of restrictions, but that did not happen, despite the fact that as the war continued, there was expectation of a tougher political and economic response from the West. The decision also became subject to criticism from the President of Ukraine, who openly says that much more radical decisions are needed to stop Moscow's war.
There is no doubt that the most important component of the seventh package of sanctions is the ban on Russian gold. At the end of last month, the G7 countries, Canada, Japan, the USA and Great Britain, decided to impose an embargo on Russian gold imports, and were joined in this almost a month later by the European Union. Let’s take a look at how important gold assets are for Moscow, and what impact this restriction might have on the Russian economy and budgetary revenues.
The Significance of Gold Assets for the Russian Economy
In terms of gold mining, the Russian Federation is the second country in the world behind China, with the third place occupied by Australia. Gold is also an important part of Russia’s budgetary revenues. It is the second source of income for the country after the cash flows received from energy carriers. In addition, the Central Bank of Russia has denominated 21% of its national reserves in gold, which is approximately 135 billion US dollars. After the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia doubled the share of gold in its reserves. For Moscow, the annual income from the sale of mined gold was about 19 billion US dollars. The main market for its sales was the London Stock Exchange, where Russia sold about 16.9 billion US dollars’ worth of gold annually. The next places in the list of buyers were Switzerland, Kazakhstan, Turkey and India. Russian gold mining companies sell gold both on the domestic consumer market and via commercial banks, which then deliver it to the Central Bank or export it.
In 2021, Russia produced 314 tons of gold, which is about 10% of the global production of precious metals. More than 700 gold mining companies operate in Russia, the largest of them Polyus, which mined up to 85 tons of gold last year, followed by Polymetal and Kinross Gold.
After the ban on the import of Russian gold from the West, Russia will have to look for alternative markets, and it will likely turn again to China and India. Even during the war, both countries have successfully continued to purchase Russian crude oil at a discount. Unlike other products, since the beginning of the war, Russia has managed to transfer its own gold to different countries, and will already have accumulated some experience in this regard. The states of the Middle East and Central Asia are also considered as potential buyers. In addition to mining gold internally, Russia is actively involved in extraction on the African continent, and is trying to strengthen its regional influence, including by increasing the dependence of these countries on self-made military weapons and equipment.
Why Target Gold?
The blow to Russian gold came in early March, when the London Stock Exchange unofficially banned trading in Russian gold. The “London Bullion Market Association” removed Russian gold refiners from its accredited list, and as a result, most buyers have given up on it. In addition, the United States of America prohibited its citizens from any transactions in Russian gold, leading to significant pressure on gold assets from the beginning, although now this process has taken on a more formal and radical character. Some experts suggest that the gold restrictions may have been more political than economic, as the American and European markets for Russian gold were largely closed anyway. At the same time, the Western countries imposed sanctions on the main banks dealing in Russian gold in previous packages of restrictions, and European refining companies and shipping companies cut off all ties with Russian gold.
The gold ban means that Russian mining companies, banks and oligarchs will be restricted in their ability to buy gold and convert it into hard currency, which they could otherwise use to mitigate the harsh economic effects of the international sanctions. Along with other restrictions, this sanction’s main goal is to financially exhaust Moscow's war machine by limiting key sources of state budgetary revenue.
In general, gold is considered as a means of diversifying reserves for central banks, as it is considered a more stable and reliable asset than paper currency. Governments hold gold to deal with crises and to hedge against inflation. According to gold reserves, Russia ranks fifth in the world.
Conclusion
The restriction imposed by the West on the import of Russian gold will obviously have economic consequences, although the forecasts vary. According to experts, large fluctuations in the global gold market and a sharp price increase are not expected. In the medium and long-term, the approximate price is expected to remain within the range of 3-5%. The "World Gold Council" also forecasts the stability of the gold prices. According to them, the global gold reserves are sufficient to meet production and trade needs. Although Russia is one of the major gold miners, its factor in the global market may not be enough to cause noticeable changes.
Shortly after the start of the war, in early March, the price of one ounce of gold reached 2,050 US dollars, the highest level in the last 20 months. After that, the price decreased and became more or less stable. Before the decision of the European Union states to embargo Russian gold on July 20, the price of one ounce of gold was 1,696 US dollars. At the current stage, its price is 1,727 US dollars. Thus, since March, its price has reduced by about 18%.
The ban on Russian gold imports is the most important component of the latest package of Western sanctions, which will obviously have a negative impact on the Russian economy, the only question is – to what extent? It is a fact that the sanctions are working, and from an economic point of view, there are quite severe consequences facing the authoritarian regime of Moscow, but, unfortunately, it has yet to result in a political decision which would lead to the cessation of the war. It is likely that the gold restriction will also fail to stop the Russian aggression, especially when, on the one hand, it has strong and reliable partners like China, India and the Persian Gulf countries, and on the other it has powerful political leverage over a number of African and Asian states.
Russia will try to find markets for the sale of its own gold, and will be ready to sell it at a relatively low price, as happened with its energy resources. The closure of the Western markets will obviously cause financial damage to the country, but in light of the partial filling of the deficit by other countries, it will not be a decisive factor for it to stop the war. It seems that Moscow is still managing to mobilize monetary resources to finance its aggression in Ukraine, most of which it receives through natural gas. The West is expected to make tougher decisions which should fully cover the energy sector, but as winter approaches, this issue becomes more and more doubtful. The sanctions have already covered most industries of critical importance for Russia, and the list is expanding every month. Let's see how much the next decisions will be a determining factor for stopping the war. The past has clearly shown that Western states are also being significantly affected by the sanctions, but without taking the greatest risk and being prepared for economic recession, stopping Russian aggression is going to be a difficult task to achieve.
Related posts
- Expected Political Consequences of the Restoration of Railway Communication Between Russia and Georgia through Occupied Abkhazia
- The 11th package of EU sanctions and Georgia
- Occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region: Trade “Legalization” and Prospects of the Russian Transit Corridor
- Is Ukraine Winning the War and What Might Russia's Calculation Be?
- Russia's Diplomatic Offensive in Africa
- Russia’s New Foreign Policy Concept and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- The Tenth Package of Sanctions - One Year of Russian Aggression
- Dynamics of China-Russia relations against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Russia-Ukraine War and Russia's Long-Term Strategic Interests
- Flight Resumption with Russia - Potential Consequences for Georgia
- Hybrid War with Russian Rules and Ukrainian Resistance
- Moldova’s challenges alongside the war in Ukraine
- Is Israel's New Government Shifting its Policy towards the Russia-Ukraine War?
- What does Russia want from Georgia?
- The Ninth Package of Sanctions - in Response to the Russian Escalation and Missile Attacks
- The Danger Russia’s Neighbors May Face after the Russo-Ukrainian War
- Belarus and Russia deepen trade and economic relations with occupied Abkhazia: A prerequisite for recognition of Abkhazia's “independence”?
- "Captured emotions" - Russian propaganda
- The Eighth Package of Sanctions - Response to Russian Annexation and Illegal Referendums
- What’s next for Italy’s foreign policy after Giorgia Meloni’s victory?
- War in Ukraine and Russia’s declining role in the Karabakh peace process
- The Russian Exclave of Kaliningrad and the Lithuanian "Sting"
- What could be the cost of “Putin’s face-saving” for European relations
- Failed Tskhinvali Referendum
- The War and Georgia
- “Rural Orbanism”- Polarization as a determinant for Hungary's political future
- Illegal Presidential Elections in the Tskhinvali Region: Why Bibilov Lost and What to Anticipate in Future
- How to Respond to Russian Ultra-Orthodox-Historic-Hegemonism?
- The War in Ukraine and the UK’s New Role in Eastern Europe
- What Will the Abolition of the OSCE Minsk Group Bring to the South Caucasus?
- Why Has the Abkhaz Side Become More Active on Social Networks?
- Why a Neutral Ukraine Is Not on Putin’s Mind (Ukraine’s Neutral Status Is Getting Closer, but What Does It Mean to Putin?)
- Europe's energy future - challenges and opportunities
- Uncontrolled Mass Immigration and the Position of the Georgian Government
- Changes in Putin's propaganda narratives since the Russian invasion of Ukraine
- Positions and Actions of Turkey in the Russo-Ukrainian War
- NATO’s possible expansion in Northern Europe and its significance for Georgia and Ukraine
- Political Winter Olympics in Beijing
- What Is behind Putin’s Sudden Gambit in Ukraine?
- L'Europe pourra-t-elle éviter le “déjà vu” ? (France, President of the Council of the European Union, and the Tensions in Eastern Europe)
- US-Russia Relations and the Issue of Ukraine
- The New Targets of Ramzan Kadyrov’s Regime
- What Will the Post-Merkel Era Mean for the EU’s Russia and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy?
- What Lies Behind the Growing Cooperation of the Georgian and Hungarian Governments
- “Doberman” as a Minister: Inal Ardzinba’s Prospects and Challenges
- The Belarus Crisis: How to Enhance Our Resilience Against the Russian Strategy for Its Near-Neighborhood
- Moldova’s Gas Crisis Has Been Russia’s Yet Another Political Blackmailing
- Belarus One Year On: An Insecure Regime Under Russian “Protection”
- Russia’s Parliamentary Elections - What Can Be Said About the Regime’s Stability
- Can Georgia use China to balance Russia?
- The West vs Russia: The Reset once again?!
- Formation of a New “Political Elite” in Abkhazia - Who Will Replace the Old “Elite?”
- The Cyber-Dimension of the Geneva Summit
- Securitization of the Arctic: A Looming Threat of Melting Ice
- Europe in Anticipation of the Results of a “Harmful Deal”
- (Re)Mapping the EU’s Relations with Russia: Time for Change?
- USA, Liberal International Order, Challenges of 2021, and Georgia
- The Political Crisis in Moldova: A Deadlock without the Way Out?
- Russia's Testing or Bullying?
- ‘Vaccine Diplomacy’: A New Opportunity for Global Authoritarian Influence?
- The End of the Russian Natural Gas Monopoly in Balkans
- Who did the judge sentence: Navalny, Putin or Russia?
- 2020 Developments in Abkhazia: “Elections,” the Pandemic and Deeper Integration with Russia
- Could Belarus Become a Prelude to the Great Polish-Swedish War 400 Years Ago?
- Vladimir Putin's Annual Grand Press Conference - Notable Elements and Messages
- Russia’s Energy Policy in the Tskhinvali Region
- Who Won and Who Lost with the War in Karabakh?
- What Russia has Gained in Karabakh
- What Armenia Did and Did not Lose as a Result of the Ceasefire Declaration in Karabakh
- Protests in Belarus, Lukashenko and the Russian Federation
- Some Thoughts on the Use of the Term „Post-Soviet Space“
- Khabarovsk Krai Protests as an Indicator of the Russian Federation’s Stability
- Trio Pandemic Propaganda: How China, Russia and Iran Are Targeting the West
- From Russia with… a Canny Plan
- “Elections” in Abkhazia: New “President’s” Revanche and Challenges
- Georgians Fighting the Same Battle 99 Years Later
- Confrontation between Russia and Turkey in Syria
- Political Crisis in Occupied Abkhazia
- What is the Significance of Killing General Qasem Soleimani?
- What Will the New Dialogue Format with Russia Bring for Georgia?
- On the “Russian Culture Center” in Georgia
- Main Messages of Russian Propaganda
- What do we know about the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and Georgia?
- New Focuses of the Anti-Occupation Policy
- Vladimir Putin’s Main Messages in his Interview with the Financial Times
- Georgia and Russia’s Post-modern Fascism
- Dugin has Come Out as a Supporter of Georgia – How Did This Happen?
- Deterring Russia
- On NATO, Russia and Pat Buchanan
- Modern Russia’s Own Wars of Religion
- Bolton’s visit to Moscow– what to expect in U.S-Russia relations?
- The Risk of the Renewal of the Karabakh Conflict after the Velvet Revolution in Armenia
- The Situation in Syria’s Idlib Province, Interests of the Parties and Threats
- The Helsinki Summit and its General Results
- Why It Is Necessary to Know the Day the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 Started
- Georgia’s Position in the Westernization Index 2018
- Why Did the Results of the G7 Summit in Charlevoix not Meet Our Expectations?
- How to Win Cold War 2.0
- The Russian “Ambassador’s” Rotation in Abkhazia
- Why did the Foreign Ministers of G7 not remember Georgia during their 23 April 2018 Toronto Meeting?
- Georgia and the American Strategy
- Putin’s Pre-Election Economic Promises: Myth and Reality
- Let Geneva Stay the Way it is
- Turkey’s Military Operation in Afrin – a New Phase in the Syrian Conflict
- Kremlin New Appointments and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Dangers Originating from Russia and Georgia’s Security System
- Eurasian Custom Union and problems of Russian – Georgian FTA
- Is Georgia’s Export Growth Sustainable?
- Russia’s Influence over the Field of Security in Tskhinvali Region is Growing: Support for Full Integration
- What Awaits the People of Gali?
- Growth of Military Spending and Relations with Russia: Azerbaijan trying to Gain Advantage over Armenia
- Disrupt and Distract: Russia’s Methodology of Dealing with the West
- Russian Diplomats in Georgia – who are they, how many of them are there and what are they up to
- Putin’s Visit to the Occupied Abkhazia: Was our Reaction Actually Adequate?
- Is it Acceptable for Georgia to Declare Neutrality?
- How to Stop the “Creeping Occupation”
- Kremlin’s Policy in the Occupied Regions of Georgia Moves to a New Stage
- Syrian Civil War in the Context of Regional Security
- The Winnable Second Round of Russia’s Neighbors’ Struggle against Its Imperialism
- Parliamentary Elections in Armenia – The Triumph of the Governing Party
- Current Foreign Policy of Georgia: How Effective is it in Dealing with the Existing Challenges?
- Observations on the Agreement Reached with Gazprom
- New Russian Weaponry in the Caucasus and Its Impact on Georgia’s NATO Aspiration